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Sixteenth Century Bristol
By John Latimer
(Originally published under the title of
“THE CORPORATION OF BRISTOL IN THE OLDEN TIME”)
Transcriptions by Rosemary Lockie, © Copyright 2013
Purchase of stone coal by the Corporation - Case of
Councillor John Lacie - Struggle between Corporation and
Merchant Venturers' Society; ends in the monopoly of
the latter being abolished - Establishment of Meal
Market - Purchase of Brandon Hill summit - Visit of
Queen Elizabeth to Bristol; lavish preparations for her
reception and entertainment; Newgate prisoners receive
royal pardon - Outbreak of plague in the city - Piracy
in the Avon; fate of the malefactors - Visits of
travelling players to Bristol - Arrival in the port of three
vessels under command of Martin Frobisher - Celebration
of twentieth year of Elizabeth's reign - Renovation
of quay walls by means of tombstones.
Although surrounded by extensive coal-fields, Bristolians
of all classes long preferred the use of wood as fuel,
timber being extremely cheap owing to the vast extent of
Kingswood and other neighbouring forests. The winter
of 1570, however, was exceptionally rigorous, and through
the difficulties of transit, caused by heavy snowstorms,
the dearth of wood occasioned extreme distress. The
Corporation consequently ordered in several hundred horse
loads of “stone coal, to the intent to bring down” prices;
and though there was some loss on the transaction, great
relief was afforded to the poor. Charcoal was the only fuel
purchased for the Council House for upwards of a century
afterwards.
The Common Council in 1571 were called upon to
consider the case of an impoverished member of the body, and
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adopted a singular expedient for his relief. The following
item occurs in the Chamberlain's receipts:-
“Received of John Lacie, mercer, in part payment
of £10 fine, for that he should continue a burgess, being
dismissed of the Common Council until he may be
hereafter called to the Common Council again when he shall
be of better ability, £5”.
As the remainder of the fine was never paid, it may be
inferred that Mr. Lacie did not recover his position.
The first record of a violently-contested election of
Members of Parliament for the city occurs in the spring of
1571. The question involved in the struggle was one of
deep interest to the trading classes generally. In the last
previous Parhament, in 1566, the Society of Merchant
Venturers had succeeded in obtaining an Act forbidding
any citizen, excepting members of the society, or persons
who had served an apprenticeship of seven years to a
merchant, from trafficking in merchandise beyond the
seas, upon pain of forfeiture of all the goods so imported
or exported. The monopoly thus established excited great
discontent amongst a numerous body of tradesmen who
had been accustomed to make small foreign adventures,
as well as amongst the workmen employed by them; and,
what was still more significant, the Common Council,
which for centuries had been dominated by the mercantile
interest, revolted against it, and supported the agitation
of the burgesses. No details in reference to the election
have been preserved except that the contest was violent
and protracted, but the return of the Recorder as one of
the Members clearly marked the defeat of the Merchants'
Society. The Corporation followed up this success by
appealing to Lord Burghley for a repeal of the Act, declared
CORPORATION AND MERCHANT VENTURERS. | 57 |
to be injurious to the trade of the city, and a Bill to that
effect was read a first time at the fifth sitting of the House
of Commons, passed through all its stages in both Houses
in despite of a vigorous resistance, and received the Royal
Assent. In consequence of the struggle, the Common
Council appears to have been the scene of frequent virulent
disputes. During the year ending Michaelmas, 1572, the
following receipts occur in the audit book:-
| £ | s. | d. | |
“ | Received of Mr. Snyg, for calling Mr. John Jones knave in his ear | 0 | 13 | 4 | |
| Received of Mr. Langley (M.P.), for saying to Mr. Saxie: You belie me | 0 | 20 | 0 | |
| Received of Mr. Robt. Taylor, merchant, for abusing Mr. Thomas Colston with contumelious words | 0 | 6 | 8 | |
| Received of Mr. Robt. Cable, for abusing Mr. Richard Cole | 0 | 6 | 8 | ” |
Strange to say, no ancient copy of the Act restoring
freedom of trade to Bristolians is to be found in the city,
and not even the slightest allusion to the statute is made
in any of the local chronicles, or in the histories of
Barrett, Seyer, Evans, Pryce, and Nicholls. Only
the title of the measure, “A Bill for Bristowe”, is
given in the “Statutes at Large”. But it is, of
course, duly registered in the Chancery Rolls. During
the Stewart dynasty the Merchants' Society made many
efforts to procure its repeal, and the Corporation, again
submissive to mercantile influences, were generally zealous
in supporting the would-be monopolists, but the costly
exertions proved fruitless, and were finally abandoned in
despair.
All the markets in the city were at this time held in one
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or the other of the principal streets, but the inconvenience
of dealing in flour and meal in the open air during wet
weather induced the Common Council in 1572 to order the
construction of a special building for the sale of those
articles. The site chosen was a piece of vacant ground,
entered through a “freestone gateway”, in Wine Street.
Towards the expense of the building, which cost about
£250, the Vestry of Christ Church made a donation of £10,
and a further sum of over £30 was extracted from two
soapmakers. The Bristol merchants had at this period
acquired a large trade in the Mediterranean, and olive oil
being largely imported by them, they had induced the
Corporation to pass an ordinance prohibiting the
manufacture of soap made of tallow or fish oil. Owing to the
costliness of the foreign material, the ordinance was
frequently evaded; but Mr. William Yate, a soapmaker,
whose dwelling closely adjoined the new Meal Market,
having been detected in boiling tallow, was now fined
£13 6s. 8d. for his infraction of the edict, whilst another
manufacturer is alleged to have given £20 “of his
goodwill” - an assertion of doubtful credibility, seeing that he
was fined £10 in the following year “for boiling trayne
oil”. The Meal Market was for many years set apart during
the annual great fair for the accommodation of the
numerous goldsmiths from London and elsewhere who
attended to exhibit their wares. In the troubled times of
the following century it seems to have been converted into
a guard house for soldiery. The fine “freestone
gateway” referred to above still remained, and was well known
to every citizen until its removal in 1881. The crown of
the arch bore the letter “W” and the device of a gate,
from which the surname Yate was derived.
One Walker, “the miller of Brandon Hill”, turns up in
PURCHASE OF BRANDON HILL SUMMIT. | 59 |
the civic accounts for 1573, having paid a trifling fine for
breaking into the city pound and rescuing his horse,
contrary to law. The wooden windmill which stood on the
summit of the hill was then a new structure, having been
erected by William Rede, Town Clerk, who had obtained a
sixty years' lease of Brandon Hill from the Corporation in
1564, at a rent of £1 6s. 8d. Only a few years later, in 1581,
both the civic body and its lessee were thrown into
consternation by the property being claimed on behalf of the
Crown. A discovery had in fact been made that a small
plot of ground on the top of the hill had been given by
Robert, Earl of Gloucester, to Tewkesbury Abbey, when
he founded St. James's Priory, but had escaped appropriation
on the suppression of the monastries, doubtless from
its yielding no rent. The men who wormed out these
facts thereupon petitioned Queen Elizabeth for a grant of
the ground as “concealed Crown land”, and this having
been conceded to them at a fee farm rent of 5s., they
demanded the estate from the Corporation, who were
forced to buy their interest for the sum of £30. As there
is a common tradition that the Queen granted Brandon
Hill to the city as a place to dry clothes, it may be added
that the hill, with the exception of the above plot, had
belonged to the Corporation from time immemorial, and
that the right of free passage over it by the public, and of
user by washerwomen, was formally recognised in a
corporate document of 1533, before Elizabeth was born.
The year 1574 was long memorable amongst
Bristolians for the magnificent entertainment of Queen
Elizabeth during her “progress” through the Western
Counties. A visit had been anticipated in the summer of
1570, but after the Corporation, in a panic at its neglect of
the roads near Newgate, had laid out a large sum on
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repairs, the Queen altered her route. The assurance of
her arrival four years later induced the Common Council
to make unprecedented exertions to gratify their pomp-loving
Sovereign. It was in the first place resolved to
raise funds by a general “collection” from the
inhabitants, which was doubtless effected by a rateable
assessment. The amount thus secured was £535 1s. 7d.,
obtained as follows:-
All Saints' Ward | £173 | 10 | 0 |
Trinity Ward | 104 | 7 | 0 |
Mary-le-port Ward | 91 | 4 | 7 |
St. Ewen's Ward | 94 | 17 | 8 |
Redcliff Ward | 71 | 2 | 4 |
A further sum of £450 was borrowed from charity
funds, “to be repaid as speedily as convenient”, and the
Dean and Chapter contributed £5. Thus supplied, the
authorities proceeded to paint and gild the High Cross,
Lawford's Gate, Newgate, and Froom Gate, to order fifty-three
lighter loads of sand for the purpose of levelling the
streets, to purchase nearly two tons of gunpowder, to
collect one hundred and thirty pieces of cannon, to enrol
four hundred infantry clothed in the city uniform, and to
make various other provisions for her Majesty's
entertainment. The Queen arrived on August 14. After making
a preliminary halt at St. Lawrence's Hospital for the
purpose of changing her travelling dress for more gorgeous
apparel, her Majesty advanced to Lawford's Gate, where
she was received by the Mayor and Common Council,
whose mouthpiece, the Recorder, addressed her in the
extravagantly flattering terms in which she delighted, and
presented her with a splendid purse containing £100 in
gold. The gay procession then started, and after a brief
VISIT OF QUEEN ELIZABETH. | 61 |
stop at the High Cross, where “some pleasant sights were
showed”, and another at the Grammar School in Christmas
Street, where the boys' poetical orations were so lengthy
that they were brusquely cut short, the Royal visitor
reached the Great House on St. Augustine's Back, the
newly-finished mansion of Mr. John Young, which had been
prepared for her reception, her arrival being saluted by
deafening peals of cannon and musketry. The Queen
remained in the city a week, and those desirous of details
respecting the amusements offered her, consisting mainly
of sham fighting on land and water and tedious rhymed
twaddle by a man named Churchyard, may be referred to
Nichols's Progresses and other works. Her Majesty
rewarded her host with the honour of knighthood. The
Corporate outlay during the visit was £1,053 14s. 11d., of
which amount £37 were demanded by Royal officers,
including the “Yeoman of the Bottles”, for their fees.
The visit of Queen Ehzabeth to Bristol subsequently
involved the Corporation in an expenditure that appears
to have been much begrudged. It is probable that
when the Recorder, who lived at Wellington, near
Taunton, travelled hither to take part in the Queen's
reception, advantage was taken of the opportunity
to hold the annual gaol delivery. At all events, when
Elizabeth arrived nine prisoners condemned to death were
lying in Newgate, and on the Queen becoming acquainted
with the fact she intimated her intention of pardoning
them as a special act of grace. The Royal word, however,
did not satisfy the requirements of the law, which could
be met only by a formal instrument under the Great Seal,
and the Lord Chancellor and his subordinates forthwith
came down upon the Corporation for the customary fees,
amounting to over £14. The disgusted civic body had no
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alternative but to pay the money, but partially recouped
itself by appealing for the assistance of the parish churches,
by which £8 13s. 4d. were brought in, while the Bishop of
Gloucester, who held the See of Bristol in commendam,
forwarded a personal donation of £2 13s. 4d., thus reducing
the civic outlay to a trifling sum.
The year 1575 was marked by a terrible visitation of
plague, which broke out immediately after the great fair
in July and continued its ravages for six months.
Contemporary annalists assert that the victims numbered
upwards of 1,900, but the figures are probably much
exaggerated. Four ex-Mayors, three of whom were
Aldermen, were, however, carried off. The virulence of
epidemics in Bristol, as in other old towns, was doubtless
largely attributable to the unhealthy supply of water,
chiefly drawn from wells in close proximity to the parochial
burial grounds, most of which were in crowded localities
limited in area, and reeking with putridity. The quay
pipe was supplied from an abundant spring, the so-called
Boiling Well at Ashley; but a large portion of the
long conduit was unprotected, and the Chamberlain was
incessantly called upon to remove the obstructions in
covered pipe, caused by the bodies of dead cats. Thus,
in December, 1574, he enters:-
“Paid for taking three cats out of the key pipe,
where one was two yards long, five days, 5s. 6d.”
The pestilence caused on this occasion a general
prostration of local trade, and the depression was seriously
aggravated by unprecedented disasters at sea. In
November, 1576, the Chamberlain was despatched to
London with a “supplication” to the Queen, representing
the decay of the city and the lamentable condition of its
merchants, through the recent loss of eleven ships and
five barks - no inconsiderable proportion of the entire
shipping of the port, which, according to an official report
drawn up by the Customs officers, numbered only forty-four
vessels in 1572. The petition was presented by Lord
Leicester, but the applicants met with no warmer
consolation than that “the Queen was very sorry”. The
commerce of Bristol did not recover from these disasters for
upwards of thirty years.
An audacious act of piracy was committed in the
Avon in July, 1577, by a gang of sailors and ruffians, who
took forcible possession of a small Dungarven vessel
lying at Pill, robbed several other ships laden with goods
for the fair, and eventually sailed off with their booty.
How an alarm was raised does not appear, but the record
states that the pirates were pursued by “Lord Leicester's
Flebote” - whatever that may have been - with a crew
of sixty armed men, and that the villains, dreading
capture, landed at Start Point, when all but four managed
to escape. Those apprehended were tried at the gaol
delivery in September, when three were sentenced to
death, and one, says the Chamberlain, was “saved by
his book” - an expression perfectly intelligible to every
reader eighty years ago, but now requiring explanation.
In the Middle Ages the ordinary criminal courts could not
pass sentence on a felon (traitors excepted) who claimed
to be in Holy Orders, and who was amenable only to an
ecclesiastical tribunal. And as practically everyone,
except a priest, was then illiterate, it became an established
point in legal practice that a prisoner was to be deemed
a cleric if he were able to read a certain verse, vulgarly
known as the “neck verse”, in the Book of Psalms. The
unreasoning conservatism of the legal profession has,
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perhaps, no better illustration than the fact that the
above privilege, commonly known as “benefit of clergy”,
was not abolished until 1827, although long before that
date nearly every description of felony had been exempted
from the relief by successive Acts of Parliament, and a
thief might be hanged for stealing twelvepence-farthing.
It may be added that criminals known to be laymen were
entitled to the benefit only once, and that, to secure their
conviction for a second offence, they were seared on the
thumb for the first with a red-hot iron. Only a few weeks
before the trial of the above pirates there is the following
item in the civic accounts:-
“Paid a smith for making iron cuffs, set in the
Guildhall behind the prisoners' bar, for the burning
of persons in the hand, 2s. 6d.”
To return to the three convicts, the Corporation,
believing that seafaring malefactors needed an impressive
warning, resolved on hanging and gibbeting the criminals
on Canons' Marsh, at the junction of the Avon and Froom,
and in view of every passing vessel, the bodies being
suspended so low that they were immersed at every high
tide. The carpenter's wages for making the gibbet were still
only one shilling per day, and those of two apprentices 1s. 2d.
A civic payment made to a travelling dramatic
company in October, 1577, is of some interest to students
of Elizabethan literature, inasmuch as it mentions the
name of the play then performed. The record also
indicates, for the first time, that the entertainment took
place in the evening:-
“Paid my Lord of Leicester's players . . . and for
links to give light in the evening. The play was called
'Myngo'. £1 2s.”
The audit book of the following year shows that six
bands of comedians visited the city. Lord Berkeley's
players are stated to have performed “What Mischief
Worketh in the Mind of Man”; Mr. C. Howard's “The
[illegible] Ethiopian”; The Earl of Suffolk's “The Court
of Comfort”; and the Earl of Bath's “Quid pro quo”.
The players of the Earl of Derby and the Lord
Chamberlain afterwards appeared on successive nights in one week,
but the Chamberlain, then and afterwards, failed to note
the pieces performed.
Some excitement was caused in October, 1577, by the
arrival in the port of two vessels under the command of the
famous Martin Frobisher. The ships, according to the
chroniclers, had come direct from Cattaie or Cataya, after
a fruitless endeavour to discover a passage to India and
China by way of the Arctic Seas. They brought home,
however, a large quantity of ore, esteemed to be “very
rich and full of gold”, and on information being sent to
the Government, the Privy Council directed that the
treasure should be lodged for safety in the Castle until
some specimens had been analysed. The stone eventually
proved worthless. Frobisher also brought three “savages”,
doubtless Esquimaux, clothed in deer skins, but all of
them died within a month of their arrival.
The “Virgin Queen” entered upon the twentieth year
of her reign on November 17th, 1577, and the event was
celebrated in Bristol in a manner that manifested the
loyalty and affection of the citizens. The members of the
Corporation, robed in scarlet, repaired to the Cathedral to
“hear the sermon” - a mode of attending service that
became more and more in favour with the growth of
Puritanism - and on returning from church five
trumpeters from the “Cataya” ships were engaged to head the
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civic procession and fill the air with martial music. In
the evening a great bonfire blazed before the High Cross.
The demonstration was thenceforth repeated annually,
and was continued for many years after the Queen's death.
The quays of the city being at this period in urgent
need of repair, a strange expedient for their cheap
renovation was devised by the Common Council. The first
mention of the matter occurs in the audit book, November,
1577, as follows:-
“Paid the churchwardens of St. Stephen's for one
tombstone for the Quay wall, 4s.”
Immediately afterwards four large tombstones and
five sledge-loads of smaller stones (head-stones?) were
extracted from St. Lawrence's Church, adjoining St.
John's, and another large block was taken from a church
not specified. Soon afterwards a ponderous stone,
requiring “two brace of horses” to drag it, was removed
from St. Lawrence's Church, and many similar abstractions
are noted subsequently. The ruined Friaries were further
drawn upon, and a massive monument out of the
demolished Carmelite Church was contributed by Sir John
Young, of the Great House. No reference to these
desecrations is made by the annalists, nor do they mention
the closing of St. Lawrence's Church, of which the
Corporation were the patrons. The deed annexing the
parish to that of St. John, dated in March, 1580, asserts
that the income of the former was only £4 10s., which was
insufficient to maintain a minister. The church was
converted into a warehouse. Its burial ground in
Christmas Street, is believed to be now covered by the
premises recently built by Messrs. J.S. Fry and Sons.
OCR/transcript by Rosemary Lockie in October 2013.
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